St. Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon A revised text with introductions, notes and dissertations — Reading Companion

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Lightfoot, J. B. (Joseph Barber), 1828-1889 Project Gutenberg 2016 Not confirmed
Bible. Colossians -- Commentaries; Bible. Philemon -- Commentaries; Bible. Colossians -- Criticism, interpretation, etc.; Bible. Philemon -- Criticism, interpretation, etc. Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 188,885
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Text sections 47

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J.B. Lightfoot's 1875 commentary on Colossians and Philemon, combining a revised Greek text with detailed linguistic and historical notes. The excerpts show his method of linking Paul's word choices to specific heresies at Colossae, such as the pairing of 'barbarian, Scythian' to counter Gnostic intellectualism.
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ea expectatio Asiæ nostrarum diœcesium’ and ‘in hac mea Asia.’ See also above p. 7, notes 2, 3.

3 Hierocles _Synecd._ p. 664 sq. (Wessel.): see below p. 69.

[Sidenote: Important Jewish settlement in this neighbourhood.]

The Epistle to the Colossians supposes a powerful Jewish colony in Laodicea and the neighbourhood. We are not however left to draw this inference from the epistle alone, but the fact is established by ample independent testimony. When, with the insolent licence characteristic of Oriental kings, Antiochus the Great transplanted two thousand Jewish families from Babylonia and Mesopotamia into Lydia and Phrygia[64],[Sidenote: Colony of Antiochus the Great.] we can hardly doubt that among the principal stations of these new colonists would be the two most thriving cities of Phrygia, which were also the two most important settlements of the Syrian kings, Apamea and Laodicea, the one founded by his grandfather Antiochus the First, the other by his father Antiochus the Second. If the commercial importance of Apamea at this time was greater (for somewhat later it was reckoned second only to Ephesus among the cities of Asia Minor as a centre of trade), the political rank of Laodicea stood higher[65]. When mention is made of Lydia and Phrygia[66], this latter city especially is pointed out by its position, for it stood near the frontier of the two countries. A Jewish settlement once established, the influx of their fellow-countrymen would be rapid and continuous. Accordingly under the Roman domination we find them gathered here in very large numbers.[Sidenote: Confiscations of Flaccus.] When Flaccus the proprætor of Asia (B.C. 62), who was afterwards accused of maladministration in his province and defended by Cicero, forbade the contributions of the Jews to the temple-worship and the consequent exportation of money to Palestine, he seized as contraband not less than twenty pounds weight in gold in the single district of which Laodicea was the capital[67]. Calculated at the rate of a half-shekel for each man, this sum represents a population of more than eleven thousand adult freemen[68]; for women, children, and slaves were exempted. It must be remembered however, that this is only the sum which the Roman officers succeeded in detecting and confiscating; and that therefore the whole Jewish population would probably be much larger than this partial estimate implies. The amount seized at Apamea, the other great Phrygian centre, was five times as large as this[69]. [Sidenote: Other evidence.]Somewhat later we have a document purporting to be a decree of the Laodiceans, in which they thank the Roman Consul for a measure granting to Jews the liberty of observing their sabbaths and practising other rites of their religion[70]; and though this decree is probably spurious, yet it serves equally well to show that at this time Laodicea was regarded as an important centre of the dispersion in Asia Minor. To the same effect may be quoted the extravagant hyperbole in the Talmud, that when on a certain occasion an insurrection of the Jews broke out in Cæsarea the metropolis of Cappadocia, which brought down upon their heads the cruel vengeance of king Sapor and led to a massacre of 12,000, ‘the wall of Laodicea was cloven with the sound of the harpstrings’ in the fatal and premature merriment of the insurgents[71]. This place was doubtless singled out, because it had a peculiar interest for the Jews, as one of their chief settlements[72]. It will be remembered also, that Phrygia is especially mentioned among those countries which furnished their quota of worshippers at Jerusalem, and were thus represented at the baptism of the Christian Church on the great day of Pentecost[73].

Joseph. _Antiq._ xii. 3, 4.

Strabo xii. 8. 13 (p. 576) εἶτα Ἀπάμεια ἡ Κιβωτὸς λεγομένη καὶ Λαοδὶκεια αἵπερ εἰσὶ μέγισται τῶν κατὰ τὴν Φρυγίαν πόλεων. Below § 15 (p. 577) he says Ἀπάμεια δ’ ἐστὶν ἐμπόριον μέγα τῆς ἰδίως λεγομένης Ἀσίας δευτερεῦον μετὰ τὴν Ἔφεσον. The relative importance of Apamea and Laodicea two or three generations earlier than St Paul may be inferred from the notices in Cicero; but there is reason for thinking that Laodicea afterwards grew more rapidly than Apamea.

In Josephus l.c. the words are τὰ κατὰ τὴν Φρυγίαν καὶ Λυδίαν, the two names being under the vinculum of the one article: while immediately afterwards Lydia is dropped and Phrygia alone named, πέμψαι τινὰς ... εἰς Φρυγίαν.

Cic. _pro Flacc._ 28 ‘Sequitur auri illa invidia Judaici.... Quum aurum Judæorum nomine quotannis ex Italia et ex omnibus provinciis Hierosolyma exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex Asia exportari liceret ... multitudinem Judæorum, flagrantem nonnumquam in concionibus, pro republica contemnere gravitatis summæ fuit.... Apameæ manifesto comprehensum ante pedes prætoris in foro expensum est auri pondo centum paullo minus ... Laodiceæ viginti pondo paullo amplius.’

Josephus (_Antiq._ xiv. 7. 2), quoting the words of Strabo, πέμψας δὲ Μιθριδάτης εἰς Κῶ ἔλαβε ... τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ὀκτακόσια τάλαντα, explains this enormous sum as composed of the temple-offerings of the Jews which they sent to Cos for safety out of the way of Mithridates.

J.B. Lightfoot's commentary on Colossians and Philemon, first published in 1875, is a work of meticulous philological and historical scholarship. The excerpts reveal a method that moves constantly between the Greek text and the concrete circumstances of the Colossian church. Lightfoot does not offer general theological reflections; instead, he dissects Paul's vocabulary to expose the specific errors the apostle was countering. For instance, he notes that the triad 'barbarian, Scythian' in Colossians 3:11 is chosen to rebut a Gnostic emphasis on intellectual insight, since 'barbarian' originally meant one who speaks unintelligibly and was used by Greeks to denote the uncultured.

A Commentary Built on Specific Heresies

Lightfoot's introduction and notes are shaped by his reconstruction of the Colossian heresy as a blend of Jewish legalism and Gnostic speculation. He does not treat Paul's letter as a timeless doctrinal treatise but as a targeted response to local errors. In the excerpt on Colossians 3:11, he contrasts Paul's list of abolished distinctions with the parallel in Galatians 3:28. While Galatians uses broad categories (Jew/Greek, slave/free, male/female), Colossians substitutes 'circumcision and uncircumcision' for 'male and female' and adds 'barbarian, Scythian.' Lightfoot argues these changes are deliberate: the first counters the heretics' emphasis on circumcision, the second their pride in gnosis. He even suggests that the inclusion of 'slave, free' may be prompted by the case of Onesimus, linking the letter to Philemon.

Philological Precision as Historical Argument

Lightfoot's notes are dense with lexical and cultural analysis. On 'barbarian,' he traces the word's etymology from onomatopoeia for unintelligible speech, citing Max Müller and Farrar, and shows how Greek exclusiveness used it to stigmatize non-Greeks. He then demonstrates that Paul's inclusion of 'barbarian' and 'Scythian' (the latter considered the lowest type of barbarian) directly challenges the Colossian heretics' valuation of intelligence. Similarly, he dissects the phrase 'circumcision and uncircumcision' to argue that Paul denies any advantage to religious adoption, not just birth. This method—linking a single Greek word to a specific cultural context and then to the heresy—is characteristic of Lightfoot's approach throughout the commentary.

The Text as a Window onto a Lost Controversy

The excerpts offer a glimpse into how Lightfoot reconstructs the intellectual world of Colossae. He notes that the Greek division of humanity into 'Hellenes and barbarians' was based on culture, while the Jewish division into 'Jews and Greeks' was based on religious privilege. Paul, he argues, annuls both distinctions in Christ. Lightfoot also draws on external sources—Plato, Philo, Strabo, Cicero—to show how these categories operated in the ancient mind. The result is a commentary that reads like a historical detective work, where every word choice in Paul's letter is a clue to the controversy he faced. This focus on the specific, rather than the universal, distinguishes Lightfoot's work from more devotional commentaries.

Readers approaching this edition should be prepared for a demanding but rewarding experience. Lightfoot assumes knowledge of Greek and a familiarity with 19th-century biblical scholarship. The notes are often longer than the text they explain, and they range widely over classical and patristic sources. However, for those interested in how a master philologist reconstructs the historical setting of a New Testament letter, this commentary remains a model of its kind. The Project Gutenberg transcription preserves the original page layout with Greek text and marginal notes, though the transcriber's note explains adjustments made for the digital format.

Sitting with Lightfoot’s careful untangling of Paul’s words, I found myself thinking of Calvin’s quieter patience in the Institutes of the Christian Religion (Vol. 1 of 2) — Reading Companion. Both men seem less concerned with proving a point than with simply clearing a path back to the text itself, letting the old words breathe on their own.

Sebastian Nelson
3 weeks ago

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