Mystics and Saints of Islam — A Closer Reading

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Field, Claud, 1863-1941 Project Gutenberg 2008 Not confirmed
Muslim saints; Mysticism -- Islam; Sufism Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 62,323
Reading time 271 min
Text sections 7

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Claud Field's 1910 collection profiles Islamic mystics from Hasan Basri to Jalaluddin Rumi, drawing on continental scholarship and Koranic roots. The preface argues Sufism originated within Islam, not as a foreign import, and the sketches emphasize asceticism, fear of God, and the tension between esoteric and exoteric teaching.
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Fariduddin Attar (AD 1119-1229)

Fariduddin Attar was born in the village of Kerken near Nishapur in Khorassan, A.D. 1119 under the Sultan Sandjar. Some years after his birth his father removed to Schadbakh, where he kept a druggist's shop. On his father's death, Fariduddin carried on the business, whence he received his cognomen Attar (druggist). His call to the religious life was as follows: One day while he was seated in his shop surrounded by servants busily attending to his orders, a wandering dervish paused at the door and regarded him silently, while his eyes slowly filled with tears. Attar sharply told him to be off about his business. "That is easily done," replied the dervish; "I have only a light bundle to carry, nothing in fact but my clothes. But you with your sacks full of valuable drugs, when the time comes to go, what will _you_ do? Had you not better consider a little?" The appeal went home. He promptly abandoned his business in order to devote himself to a religious life. Bidding a decisive adieu to the world, he betook himself to a Sufi convent, presided over by Sheikh Ruknuddin. Here he resided for some time engaged in devotional practices, and then made the pilgrimage to Mecca, where he met with many devotees and conceived the idea of compiling a collection of stories of the holy men of Islam. To this work he devoted several years of his long life; he also composed a Pand-nama or "Book of Counsels." But the work by which he is chiefly known is the "Mantiq-ut-tair" or "Parliament of Birds," and of this we proceed to give some account.

In this allegorical poem various birds representing mystics, unite themselves under the leadership of the hoopoe in order to journey to the court of the Simurgh, a mysterious bird whose name signifies "thirty birds," dwelling in Mount Kaf, the mountain which encircles the world. At the commencement of the poem there is a long debate between the hoopoe and the other birds, who at first allege various excuses for not undertaking the journey, while he rebukes them for their lukewarmness, not concealing, however, the fact that the journey is full of peril, and that though many start few will reach the goal. The hoopoe's description of the road is as follows: "We have seven valleys to traverse.[47] The first is the Valley of Search; the second the Valley of Love, which has no limits; the third is the Valley of Knowledge; the fourth is the Valley of Independence; the fifth is the Valley of Unity, pure and simple; the sixth is the Valley of Amazement; last of all is the valley of Poverty and Annihilation, beyond which there is no advance. There thou wilt feel thyself drawn, but will have no power to go any further.

"(1) When thou enterest the Valley of Search, at every step new trials will present themselves; there the parrot of the celestial sphere is as mute as a fly. There thou must cast away all thy possessions and imperil all thy riches. Not only must the hand be empty, but thy heart must be detached from all that is earthly. Then the Light of the Divine Essence will begin to cast upon thee some rays.

"(2) In order to enter the second valley (of love) thou must be made all of fire; he who is not composed of fire will find no pleasure in that valley; he must not think of the future, but be ready to sacrifice a hundred worlds to the flames, if needs be. Faith and infidelity, good and evil, religion and irreligion, are all one for him who has arrived at the second stage; for where love reigns, none of them exist any more.

Claud Field opens his 1910 collection with a pointed argument: Sufism is not a late foreign import into Islam but has roots in the Koran itself. He cites Sura 24's Light Verse and notes that Muhammad's intense meditation led Arabs to say he was 'in love with his Maker.' The preface then traces an early asceticism among the Companions—Ali's cry 'Alas for the shortness of the provision and the terrors of the way!' and Abu'l Darda's wish to be 'a tree that is lopped and then devoured.' Field draws on continental scholars like Alfred Von Kremer and Pavet de Courteille, translating their papers into English for the first time. The result is a work that blends hagiography with theological argument, presenting figures such as Rabia, Hallaj, and Ghazzali as embodiments of a mysticism that is both deeply Islamic and fiercely personal.

The Koranic Foundation of Sufism

Field's preface insists that 'the roots of mysticism are to be found in the Koran itself.' He quotes the Light Verse at length—'God is the Light of the heavens and the earth. His light is like a niche in which is a lamp'—to ground Sufi symbolism in scripture. He then cites the Koran's promise 'Verily, you shall see hell, you shall see it with the eye of certainty' to explain the early Muslims' terror of judgment. This fear, he argues, 'led naturally to an almost fierce asceticism.' The Companions Abu Bekr and Ali both founded ascetic communities, and Field uses their reported sayings—Ali's lament about 'the terrors of the way' and Abu'l Darda's wish to be a tree—to show that Sufi otherworldliness was present from the start. He aligns himself with Professor Nicholson's view that 'the early Sufis are still on orthodox ground,' comparing them to medieval Spanish mystics within the Catholic Church.

Ghazzali's Turn from Philosophy to Religion

Field's chapter on Al Ghazzali emphasizes his shift from academic fame to spiritual teaching. After ten years away, Ghazzali returned to Nishapur 'to help to bring about a religious revival,' but his aim had changed: 'Formerly, he says, he taught a knowledge which won him fame and glory, but now he taught a knowledge which brought just the opposite.' Field compares him to 'a Muhammadan Thomas á Kempis.' He notes Ghazzali's enormous output—ninety-nine works—and his influence on Jewish thinkers, who studied his 'Makasid-al-Falasifah' for its exposition of Aristotle. Yet Field stresses that Ghazzali 'would probably have repudiated the title' of philosopher: 'His true element was not philosophy but religion, with which his whole being was penetrated.' The chapter also addresses accusations of hypocrisy, noting that Ghazzali's Sufi leanings might 'lend some colour' to claims he had an esoteric doctrine for initiates and an exoteric one for the public.

The Ascetic Voice of the Early Sufis

Field's sketches of early figures like Hasan Basri, Rabia, and Ibrahim ben Adham foreground their renunciatory speech. Hasan Basri's reported sayings dwell on the terror of judgment; Rabia, the woman Sufi, is known for her radical love of God that eclipses fear of hell or hope of paradise. Ibrahim ben Adham, a prince who abandoned his throne, exemplifies the pattern of worldly renunciation. Field draws on Alfred Von Kremer's scholarship for these portraits, and the language is consistently concrete: the Sufis 'cloak their teaching under a metaphorical veil, wine representing the love of God, etc., as in Hafiz and Omar Khayyam.' The excerpts do not provide full biographies, but they show Field selecting anecdotes that highlight the Sufis' intense, personal relationship with the divine—a relationship often expressed in paradox and self-abasement.

Continental Scholarship as Source

Field is transparent about his method: 'The following sketches are for the most part translations of papers by continental scholars such as Alfred Von Kremer, Pavet de Courteille, and A.F. Mehren.' He does not claim original research but rather acts as a compiler and translator, making German and French scholarship available to English readers. This gives the book a distinctive texture: the prose is sometimes stiff, as in the Ghazzali chapter's discussion of causation ('He denies causation as thoroughly as Hume'), but it also carries the authority of academic sources. Field's own voice emerges most clearly in the preface, where he argues for the indigenous roots of Sufism. The appendixes—on Mohammedan conversions, an exposition of Sufism, Christian elements in Mohammedan literature, and Christ in Mohammedan tradition—suggest a comparative religious interest that frames the individual sketches within a broader theological conversation.

Field's collection does not attempt a unified theory of Sufism; it offers a gallery of individual portraits, each drawn from a different scholarly source. Readers should approach the chapters as independent essays rather than a continuous narrative. The appendixes, particularly the one on Christian elements, hint at Field's own interest in cross-religious parallels, but the sketches themselves remain focused on the words and deeds of the mystics. For those new to Islamic mysticism, this book provides a useful entry point, though its reliance on early twentieth-century scholarship means some claims—such as the denial of foreign influence—have been revised by later research.

That rainy afternoon, Claud Field’s Mystics and Saints kept me company, its old pages smelling of dust and patience. I lingered over Rumi’s quiet wrestling with God’s distance, and somehow that tension led me to a broader, stranger question about Islam’s future. Later, almost by accident, I picked up The Future of Islam — Text and Context, and the two books seemed to speak to each other across the years.

Samuel Wright
1 month ago

Anthony Anderson
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Jack Wilson
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Carter Baker
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Olivia Wilson
3 weeks ago

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