Magic and Religion — A Closer Reading
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as not the process by which Andouagni was evolved, because nobody prayed to him in 1558, nor have we reason to believe that any one ever did.
From every part of the globe, but chiefly from among very low savage and barbaric races, the existence of beings powerful as Andouagni, but, like him, not addressed in prayer, or but seldom so addressed, is reported by travellers of many ages, races, creeds, and professions. The existence of the belief in such beings, often not approached by prayer or sacrifice, is fatal to several modern theories of the origin and evolution of religion. But these facts, resting on the best evidence which anthropology can offer, and corroborated by the undesigned coincidence of testimony from every quarter, are not what most students in this science want to find. Therefore these facts have been ignored or hastily slurred over, or the beliefs are ascribed to European or Islamite influence. Yet, first, Christians or Islamites, with the god they introduced would introduce prayer to him, and prayer, in many cases, there is none. Next, in the case of Andouagni, what missionary influence could exist in Canada before 1558? Thirdly, if missionaries, amateur or professional, there were in Canada before 1558 they would be Catholics, and would introduce, not a Creator never addressed in prayer, but crosses, beads, the Madonna, the Saints, and such Catholic rites as would leave material traces.
In spite of all these obvious considerations, I am unacquainted with any book on this phase of savage religion, and scarcely know any book, except Mr. Tylor's 'Primitive Culture,' in which the facts are prominently stated.
The evidence for the facts, let me repeat, is of the best character that anthropology can supply, for it rests on testimony undesignedly coincident, given from most parts of the world by men of every kind of education, creed, and bias. Contradictory evidence, the denial of the existence of the beliefs, is also abundant: to such eternal contradictions of testimony anthropology must make up her mind. We can only test and examine, in each instance, the bias of the witness, if he has a bias, and his opportunities of acquiring knowledge. If the belief does exist, it can seldom attest itself, or never, by material objects, such as idols, altars, sacrifices, and the sound of prayers, for a being like Andouagni is not prayed to or propitiated: one proof that he is not of Christian introduction. We have thus little but the reports of Europeans intimately acquainted with the peoples, savage or barbaric, and, if possible, with their language, to serve as a proof of the existence of the savage belief in a supreme being, a maker or creator of things.
This fact warns us to be cautious, but occasionally we have such evidence as is supplied by Europeans initiated into the mysteries of savage religion. Our best proof, however, of the existence of this exalted, usually neglected belief, is the coincidence of testimony, from that of the companions of Columbus, and the earliest traders visiting America, to that of Mr. A. W. Howitt, a _mystes_ of the Australian Eleusinia, or of the latest travellers among the Fangs, the remote Masai, and other scarcely 'contaminated' races.[4]
If we can raise, at least, a case for consideration in favour of this non-utilitarian belief in a deity not approached with prayer or sacrifice, we also raise a presumption against the theory that gods were invented, in the despair of magic, as powers out of whom something useful could be got: powers with good things in their gift, things which men were ceasing to believe that they could obtain by their own magical machinery. The strong primal gods, unvexed by prayer, were not invented as recipients of prayer.
To ignore this chapter of early religion, to dismiss it as a tissue of borrowed ideas--though its existence is attested by the first Europeans on the spot, and its originality is vouched for by the very absence of prayer, and by observers like Mr. A. W. Howitt, Miss Kingsley, and Sir A. B. Ellis, who proposed, but withdrew, a theory of 'loan-gods'--is not scientific.
Andrew Lang opens Magic and Religion by warning against 'too ingenious and imaginative hypotheses' leading science astray. This caution sets the tone for a collection that systematically challenges the era's dominant anthropological theories. Lang, writing in 1901, positions himself as a dissenter against E. B. Tylor and J. G. Frazer, arguing that the earliest traceable religion was 'relatively high' and later degraded by social evolution. The essays are not a comprehensive survey but a series of targeted critiques, each dissecting a specific claim or method.
A Polemical Stance on Loan-Gods
Lang directly confronts Tylor's theory that higher religious ideas among 'low savages' are borrowed from Christianity or Islam. He admits 'much diffidence' in disagreeing with 'so eminent and sagacious an authority,' yet proceeds to marshal evidence he believes Tylor overlooks. The essay 'The Theory of Loan-Gods' is framed as a reply to Tylor's unpublished Gifford Lectures, relying on published fragments. Lang's method is to question the direction of influence: rather than assuming borrowing, he suggests independent development. His tone is respectful but firm, and he repeatedly insists that the evidence for indigenous high religious elements must be examined on its own terms, not dismissed as contamination.
Frazer's Hypotheses Under Scrutiny
The longest essay subjects Frazer's Golden Bough to 'very minute, and, I fear, tedious examination.' Lang worries he may not have been 'sufficiently minute and accurate,' a rare admission of fallibility. He dissects Frazer's chain of reasoning linking the Golden Bough to a fugitive king, then to the Sacaean festival, and finally to the origins of Christian belief. Lang points out that Frazer's evidence for a resurrection of Eabani is missing from Dr. Jastrow's account of the Babylonian poem, noting dryly, 'This is hardly a resurrection.' He also questions the dating of Persian customs, asking whether the buffoon's ride coexisted with human sacrifice or was a later substitute. These objections are grounded in textual details, not mere disagreement.
The Esther-Mordecai Amalgamation
Lang devotes considerable space to Frazer's theory that the Book of Esther preserves a myth of a dying and rising god. Frazer, following Jensen, identifies Mordecai as Marduk and Haman as Humman, with Esther as a sacred bride. Lang finds the hypothesis 'of some complexity' and struggles to 'maintain the mental equilibrium' while contemplating it. He offers a counter-reading: modern Jewish plays where Mordecai is Esther's lover are 'a very natural modern touch,' given they were cousins and Esther 'extremely pretty.' He compares this to a children's dramatization of 'Bluebeard' where the brother becomes the lover—an anecdote that reveals Lang's preference for common-sense explanations over elaborate mythological schemes. He also notes that the Talmudic shift of Esther to Mordecai's lap is a late evasion, akin to Euripides' shadow Helen.
Diction and Argumentative Voice
Lang's prose is marked by irony and understatement. He describes a hypothesis as requiring 'an effort' to maintain equilibrium, and he concedes his own ignorance of Babylonian poetry with a self-deprecating 'I am but poorly seen in Babylon and its poetry.' His critiques often hinge on precise wording: he notes that Frazer says the right to beat the buffoon 'point[s] plainly enough to the harder fate' of a sacrificed mock-king, but Lang counters that the buffoon's ride was a collection drive ('une quête'), with beating as revenge for robbery. The argument is built on alternative interpretations of the same evidence. Lang also uses analogies from everyday life—children's plays, modern novels—to deflate grand theories. This rhetorical strategy keeps the reader grounded in observable human behavior rather than speculative reconstructions.
Readers approaching Magic and Religion should expect a dense, argumentative work that assumes familiarity with Frazer's Golden Bough and Tylor's writings. Lang's essays are best read as interventions in ongoing debates, not as standalone introductions. Pay attention to his use of evidence: he often cites the same sources as his opponents but reads them differently. His skepticism toward grand narratives and his insistence on textual precision make this a valuable counterpoint to late Victorian anthropology, even where his own theories remain provisional.
There’s something humbling in Lang’s insistence that our earliest ancestors already sensed the divine—not as a later refinement, but a first impulse. It makes me think of another quiet volume, The Creator, and what we may know of the method of creation — Story, Setting & Ideas, which circles the same wonder from a different shore. Both left me, late at night, simply holding the question rather than answering it.
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