Church work among the Negroes in the South The Hale Memorial Sermon No. 2 — Inside the Classic
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What was the religious condition and teaching of the negroes before the Civil War? In 1816 in Philadelphia the African-Methodist Episcopal Church separated from the whites; and they have formed the strongest negro organization in the country. A large number of the negro Methodists remained, however, with the whites; and for some of these, churches were built, and a white preacher regularly set aside by the white Conference to minister to their black people. Others came to the same church with the whites, occupying the gallery or pews allotted to them in the rear of the Church. The colored Baptists and Presbyterians worshipped in the same way with the whites, and were ministered to by white preachers. In the Church we had no colored ministers; but the negroes worshipped with us in separate parts of the same Church building, and the white clergyman felt responsible for the black portion of his flock. In many Churches--I have one now particularly in mind--the white people sat in the front pews in the morning and the negroes in the back. In the afternoon, the same clergyman, in the same Church, preached to the negroes, sitting in front, and the white people, some of whom generally came, sitting behind. At the Holy Communion and at Confirmation whites and blacks came together, the blacks generally last. In South Carolina, when the Civil War began, there were very nearly as many black communicants in the Church as white. On every plantation and in nearly every Christian home throughout the South, without regard to religious affiliations, the negroes were taught in Sunday-schools by the mistress and her older daughters. Many of the large planters employed a regular chaplain for their negroes. I knew intimately the Rev. George Patterson, who began his ministry in East Carolina as chaplain to the negroes belonging to Mr. Josiah Collins.
Just a word or two here about slavery, this suggestion coming to me from a Northern clergyman, who has for the past twenty years been doing noble work for the negroes in North Carolina. Slavery with all its horrors was over-ruled by God to be a great missionary institution. The savage black men were brought into the closest contact with the highest Anglo-Saxon civilization, the best negroes coming into personal touch with the best whites as servant and master. They were taught Christ by as fair representatives of his religion as the world has ever seen. The negroes were brought under law, and were forced to see the blessings of order and justice. As Booker Washington also admits, they were taught the value of work and its necessity. So, through slavery the negro in the United States to-day stands far above the wild and ignorant African who now inhabits the land from which he came. When you read Uncle Tom's Cabin, remember that Uncle Tom was a product of slavery and that the fairer side as presented by Mrs. Stowe was the most common in the whole South. Do not misunderstand me; together with a large majority of the thinking white men of the South, I rejoice that slavery is a thing of the past; I would not have it again if I could; I see its frightful evils; but we must all acknowledge that slavery has been a potent factor for good in the evolution of the negro in the United States.
The sermon opens with a formal apparatus: the will of Bishop Charles Reuben Hale establishes the sermon series, specifying that each sermon should address a branch of church work deserving wider recognition. Robert Strange, Bishop of East Carolina, delivers the second Hale Memorial Sermon in Chicago, at Grace Episcopal Church. The text thus moves from a legal document to a preached address, a structural shift that frames the sermon as both a memorial obligation and a live oration.
From Will to Pulpit: The Sermon’s Framing
The sermon’s opening pages reproduce Hale’s will in full, detailing the trust that funds the sermon and lectures. This legal preamble establishes authority and purpose before Strange’s own voice begins. The transition from testament to sermon is abrupt: after the will’s closing, the reader encounters the sermon’s title and preacher. This structure emphasizes that the sermon is not merely an opinion but an institutional commission. The will’s language—‘promoting the Catholic Faith, in its purity and integrity’—sets a doctrinal tone that Strange echoes when he later calls for ‘separation not from but in the Church.’ The framing creates a movement from written legacy to spoken exhortation, from Chicago to the South, from the dead bishop’s words to the living bishop’s.
The Laboratory of Nature: Recurring Natural Imagery
Strange repeatedly invokes natural processes to describe racial change. He speaks of ‘the great laboratory of Nature’ and ‘the law of God which works on so justly.’ The image of a laboratory suggests controlled observation, yet Strange uses it to justify a harsh outcome: the ‘lower class’ of negroes will diminish through disease that ‘spring[s] from idleness, self-indulgence, filth, and immorality.’ This organic metaphor recurs when he describes the better class ‘increasing as all good things do’ and the worse class being ‘sloughed off.’ The language of growth and decay, of natural selection applied to social groups, pervades the argument. It is a recurring pattern: social conditions are presented as natural facts, not historical contingencies.
Movement North and the Divided Race
A central movement in the sermon is geographic: negroes moving ‘from the country to the towns and cities of the South, and from the Southern cities to the Northern.’ Strange uses this migration to argue that Northerners will soon share the ‘problem.’ He then divides the race into two classes: a minority that is ‘improving’ and a majority that is ‘retrogressing.’ This binary is presented as more pronounced than in other nationalities. The movement between scenes—from rural to urban, South to North, and within the race from lower to higher class—structures the sermon’s logic. Strange’s solution depends on this division: the better class will increase, the worse will decrease through absorption or elimination. The sermon thus moves from observation of migration to prescription for separation.
Across the Chasm: Separation and Cooperation
Strange’s central image for race relations is a chasm: ‘across this chasm, which both races frankly accept, to join hands.’ The chasm represents social separation, especially regarding amalgamation, which he opposes with ‘faces as flint.’ Yet across it, cooperation is possible: full legal protection, equality of opportunity, and sympathy. The sermon’s structure mirrors this paradox: it insists on separation while advocating for aid. Strange’s address to his Chicago audience—‘I want to tell you here in Chicago to-night that we men of the South are largely doing all of these things now’—shifts the scene from the North to the South, from listener to speaker. The chasm is both a social reality and a rhetorical device, allowing Strange to position himself as a mediator between races and regions.
Readers should note that the sermon’s structure—moving from a legal document to a preached address, from natural imagery to social prescription—reflects its dual purpose as both a memorial and a policy argument. Strange’s recurring images of laboratory, chasm, and movement are not decorative; they carry the weight of his argument for separation within the church. The sermon offers a window into early twentieth-century white Protestant thinking on race, framed by institutional authority and natural law rhetoric.
That Robert Strange sermon stayed with me – how he moves between quiet scenes of Southern labor and the larger weight of memory. It reminded me of sitting with The works of Richard Hurd, volume 5 (of 8) — Edition Insights, where the same slow unfolding of place and argument feels almost like walking through someone's garden, unhurried, leaving you with something softer than you expected.
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